Каждый период в летописи отечественного футбола связывается с политическим и культурным контекстом: от появления футбола в 1890-е годы до распада СССР в 1991-м. «Спартак» — своего рода case study, социальный институт, меняющийся во времени. Автор рассматривает советский футбол как «спорную территорию», поле взаимодействия между властью и обществом, а практику боления за «Спартак» в определенные исторические периоды — как своеобразный способ сказать «нет» окружающей действительности.
Уникальность настоящего издания в том, что на русском языке о социальной истории спорта как части культурной истории в целом написано крайне мало.
Каждый период в летописи отечественного футбола связывается с политическим и культурным контекстом: от появления футбола в 1890-е годы до распада СССР в 1991-м. «Спартак» — своего рода case study, социальный институт, меняющийся во времени. Автор рассматривает советский футбол как «спорную территорию», поле взаимодействия между властью и обществом, а практику боления за «Спартак» в определенные исторические периоды — как своеобразный способ сказать «нет» окружающей действительности.
Уникальность настоящего издания в том, что на русском языке о социальной истории спорта как части культурной истории в целом написано крайне мало.
The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today." Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. "The inflation fire was already hot and now with war-driven inflation added to the mix, it will grow even hotter, setting off a scramble by the world’s central banks to pull back their stimulus earlier than expected," Chris Rupkey, chief economist at FWDBONDS, wrote in an email. "A spike in inflation rates has preceded economic recessions historically and this time prices have soared to levels that once again pose a threat to growth."
from ms
