💢 در بیست ونهمین آیین نکوداشت اعضای هیات علمی نمونه کشوری که با حضور رییس جمهور برگزار شد، دکتر علیرضا قاسم پور و دکتر علی اکبر متکان؛ اعضای هیأت علمی دانشگاه شهید بهشتی به عنوان استاد نمونه کشوری معرفی شدند.
💢 در بیست ونهمین آیین نکوداشت اعضای هیات علمی نمونه کشوری که با حضور رییس جمهور برگزار شد، دکتر علیرضا قاسم پور و دکتر علی اکبر متکان؛ اعضای هیأت علمی دانشگاه شهید بهشتی به عنوان استاد نمونه کشوری معرفی شدند.
On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. False news often spreads via public groups, or chats, with potentially fatal effects.
from nl
