Петроградский районный суд г. Санкт-Петербурга вернул материалы дела об административном правонарушении, предусмотренном ч.1 ст.20.2.2 КоАП РФ, в отношении Григория Михнова - Вайтенко.
Материалы возвращены в порядке ст.29.4 КоАП РФ, а именно из-за недоставления возможного правонарушителя.
Рассматривать материалы по правонарушению, если наказание предусматривает арест, без фигуранта нельзя.
Петроградский районный суд г. Санкт-Петербурга вернул материалы дела об административном правонарушении, предусмотренном ч.1 ст.20.2.2 КоАП РФ, в отношении Григория Михнова - Вайтенко.
Материалы возвращены в порядке ст.29.4 КоАП РФ, а именно из-за недоставления возможного правонарушителя.
Рассматривать материалы по правонарушению, если наказание предусматривает арест, без фигуранта нельзя.
For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today." Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. As a result, the pandemic saw many newcomers to Telegram, including prominent anti-vaccine activists who used the app's hands-off approach to share false information on shots, a study from the Institute for Strategic Dialogue shows.
from nl
