📌Я просто помню как блогеры с диванов любили пообсуждать, куда «Вагнерам» можно переходить, куда нельзя, что зашкварно, а что нет. И помню сколько хейта выхватили парни, перешедшие к Апти.
Так вот пусть эти блогеры идут нахуй. Парни свою работу делают и делают ее отлично. А не сидят на диванах.
📌Я просто помню как блогеры с диванов любили пообсуждать, куда «Вагнерам» можно переходить, куда нельзя, что зашкварно, а что нет. И помню сколько хейта выхватили парни, перешедшие к Апти.
Так вот пусть эти блогеры идут нахуй. Парни свою работу делают и делают ее отлично. А не сидят на диванах.
But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government. The message was not authentic, with the real Zelenskiy soon denying the claim on his official Telegram channel, but the incident highlighted a major problem: disinformation quickly spreads unchecked on the encrypted app. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion.
from nl