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Джэрпэджэжь / Yankı/الصدى | Telegram Webview: jerpejej/7042 -
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Адыгэ Республикэм иадыгэ хасэ джэгукlэу «Адыгэ квиз» еджапlэхэм ыщызэхещэ. Я 9 -11 классхэм ащеджэхэрэр ары мыщ хэлажьэхэрэр. Мыр куп зэхэт джэгукl. Еджапlэ пэпчъ зы куп къегъэпсы ыкlи куп пэпчъ нэбгыри 5 хэт. Джэгукlэр зезыщэрэм упчlэу къытыхэрэм джэуап къаратыжьын фай. Адыгэ шэн-хабзэхэм, шхыныгъохэм, шъуашэм, тарихъым упчlэхэр афэгъэхьыгъэх. Фэдэ зэнэкъокъухэр Тэхъутэмыкъое, Теуцожь, Красногвардейскэ районхэм, Адыгэкъалэ ащыкlуагъах. Бэмышlэу «Адыгэ квизыр» Шэуджэн районым щызэхащагъ. Мыщ купи 7 хэлэжьагъ ыкlи Хьатыгъужъыкъое гурыт еджапlэм икупэу «Гугъэм» апэрэ чlыпlэр ыхьыгъ. Кощхьэблэ районым фэдэ джэгукlэ мы мазэм щыlэщт. Етlанэ адыгабзэм имафэ ехъулlэу гъэтхапэм зэфэхьысыжь зэнэкъокъу-джэгукlэр Мыекъуапэ щызэхащэщт. Районхэм апэрэ чlыпlэхэр къащызыхьыгъэ купхэр ащ хэлэжьэщтых.



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Адыгэ Республикэм иадыгэ хасэ джэгукlэу «Адыгэ квиз» еджапlэхэм ыщызэхещэ. Я 9 -11 классхэм ащеджэхэрэр ары мыщ хэлажьэхэрэр. Мыр куп зэхэт джэгукl. Еджапlэ пэпчъ зы куп къегъэпсы ыкlи куп пэпчъ нэбгыри 5 хэт. Джэгукlэр зезыщэрэм упчlэу къытыхэрэм джэуап къаратыжьын фай. Адыгэ шэн-хабзэхэм, шхыныгъохэм, шъуашэм, тарихъым упчlэхэр афэгъэхьыгъэх. Фэдэ зэнэкъокъухэр Тэхъутэмыкъое, Теуцожь, Красногвардейскэ районхэм, Адыгэкъалэ ащыкlуагъах. Бэмышlэу «Адыгэ квизыр» Шэуджэн районым щызэхащагъ. Мыщ купи 7 хэлэжьагъ ыкlи Хьатыгъужъыкъое гурыт еджапlэм икупэу «Гугъэм» апэрэ чlыпlэр ыхьыгъ. Кощхьэблэ районым фэдэ джэгукlэ мы мазэм щыlэщт. Етlанэ адыгабзэм имафэ ехъулlэу гъэтхапэм зэфэхьысыжь зэнэкъокъу-джэгукlэр Мыекъуапэ щызэхащэщт. Районхэм апэрэ чlыпlэхэр къащызыхьыгъэ купхэр ащ хэлэжьэщтых.

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"There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said. Channels are not fully encrypted, end-to-end. All communications on a Telegram channel can be seen by anyone on the channel and are also visible to Telegram. Telegram may be asked by a government to hand over the communications from a channel. Telegram has a history of standing up to Russian government requests for data, but how comfortable you are relying on that history to predict future behavior is up to you. Because Telegram has this data, it may also be stolen by hackers or leaked by an internal employee. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. At the start of 2018, the company attempted to launch an Initial Coin Offering (ICO) which would enable it to enable payments (and earn the cash that comes from doing so). The initial signals were promising, especially given Telegram’s user base is already fairly crypto-savvy. It raised an initial tranche of cash – worth more than a billion dollars – to help develop the coin before opening sales to the public. Unfortunately, third-party sales of coins bought in those initial fundraising rounds raised the ire of the SEC, which brought the hammer down on the whole operation. In 2020, officials ordered Telegram to pay a fine of $18.5 million and hand back much of the cash that it had raised.
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