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Грохочет бал, сияет бал, летают в косах ленты! Центр-музей имени Ивана Гончарова – вновь во власти классической музыки. Как оказалось, ученики третьей гимназии, оставив модные гаджеты и блоги, пересели в карету, чтобы умчаться в «эпоху Обломова и Онегина». На Литературный Рождественский бал они пригласили и нашу съемочную группу.
Грохочет бал, сияет бал, летают в косах ленты! Центр-музей имени Ивана Гончарова – вновь во власти классической музыки. Как оказалось, ученики третьей гимназии, оставив модные гаджеты и блоги, пересели в карету, чтобы умчаться в «эпоху Обломова и Онегина». На Литературный Рождественский бал они пригласили и нашу съемочную группу.
BY Министерство просвещения и воспитания Ульяновской области
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Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. "There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said.
from nl
