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Россиянки встречают 8 Марта в тюрьмах: как и за что власти преследуют женщин

Пока чиновники дарят женщинам фотосессии с кителями погибших мужей, а в школах девочкам рассказывают о «предназначении» рожать, в Париже открывается выставка «Женщины против войны: узницы России». Ее делает Феминистское Антивоенное Сопротивление вместе с «Мемориалом», Russie-Libertés и мэрией Парижа. На больших уличных стендах — портреты и биографии женщин, незаконно осужденных и пострадавших от рук силовиков.

В России такую выставку невозможно представить, поэтому в карточках мы вспоминаем случаи насилия и преследования женщин после начала войны в Украине.

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Россиянки встречают 8 Марта в тюрьмах: как и за что власти преследуют женщин

Пока чиновники дарят женщинам фотосессии с кителями погибших мужей, а в школах девочкам рассказывают о «предназначении» рожать, в Париже открывается выставка «Женщины против войны: узницы России». Ее делает Феминистское Антивоенное Сопротивление вместе с «Мемориалом», Russie-Libertés и мэрией Парижа. На больших уличных стендах — портреты и биографии женщин, незаконно осужденных и пострадавших от рук силовиков.

В России такую выставку невозможно представить, поэтому в карточках мы вспоминаем случаи насилия и преследования женщин после начала войны в Украине.

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That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Now safely in France with his spouse and three of his children, Kliuchnikov scrolls through Telegram to learn about the devastation happening in his home country. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm.
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