"hey has anyone seen my aryan transitioning pills? i swear i just placed it here somewhere."
conspicuously aryan-looking cat: "mmph, n-nope! haven't seen any pills around here lately! and certainly no aspirins that looked mighty appetizing! hahaha no siree!"
"hey has anyone seen my aryan transitioning pills? i swear i just placed it here somewhere."
conspicuously aryan-looking cat: "mmph, n-nope! haven't seen any pills around here lately! and certainly no aspirins that looked mighty appetizing! hahaha no siree!"
Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford.
from nl
