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Главное ударное соединение ВС Украины из числа вновь сформированных - 82-я десантно-штурмовая бригада, перебралась из Житомирской области на полигон "Широкий лан" в Николаевской области.
О чем свидетельствует видео с движением колонны немецких БМП "Мардер" по характерной степной местности.
По всей видимости, бригада прибыла для проведения заключительного этапа боевого слаживания.
Стоит отметить, тот участок фронта, где появятся танки "Челенджеры", БМП "Мардер" и БТР "Страйкер", автоматически будет означать и прибытие 82 одшбр, которую где угодно, кроме направления главного удара, применять нецелесообразно.



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Главное ударное соединение ВС Украины из числа вновь сформированных - 82-я десантно-штурмовая бригада, перебралась из Житомирской области на полигон "Широкий лан" в Николаевской области.
О чем свидетельствует видео с движением колонны немецких БМП "Мардер" по характерной степной местности.
По всей видимости, бригада прибыла для проведения заключительного этапа боевого слаживания.
Стоит отметить, тот участок фронта, где появятся танки "Челенджеры", БМП "Мардер" и БТР "Страйкер", автоматически будет означать и прибытие 82 одшбр, которую где угодно, кроме направления главного удара, применять нецелесообразно.

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Now safely in France with his spouse and three of his children, Kliuchnikov scrolls through Telegram to learn about the devastation happening in his home country. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. The last couple days have exemplified that uncertainty. On Thursday, news emerged that talks in Turkey between the Russia and Ukraine yielded no positive result. But on Friday, Reuters reported that Russian President Vladimir Putin said there had been some “positive shifts” in talks between the two sides.
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