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В целом, результаты аналитики скорее подтверждают тезис, озвученный ранее Константином Чекмышевым🔗

Если сравнить общее количество кейсов реструктуризации, предоставленных ФНС за 23й год , то оно примерно в 10 раз превышает количество мировых соглашений с участием уполномоченного органа в процедуре (3572 против чуть более чем 300)👀
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В целом, результаты аналитики скорее подтверждают тезис, озвученный ранее Константином Чекмышевым🔗

Если сравнить общее количество кейсов реструктуризации, предоставленных ФНС за 23й год , то оно примерно в 10 раз превышает количество мировых соглашений с участием уполномоченного органа в процедуре (3572 против чуть более чем 300)👀

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"There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin.
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