И минутка народа-броненосца. Предлагают работать сверхурочно: норм👍 Гоняют на митинги и голосования: норм👍 Снижают зарплату: потерпим👍 Выгоняют в неоплачиваемый отпуск: ваще шикардос, работать не надо👍👍 Заставляют привиться от потенциально смертельной болячки: 😡 https://www.group-telegram.com/nakanuneru/5796
И минутка народа-броненосца. Предлагают работать сверхурочно: норм👍 Гоняют на митинги и голосования: норм👍 Снижают зарплату: потерпим👍 Выгоняют в неоплачиваемый отпуск: ваще шикардос, работать не надо👍👍 Заставляют привиться от потенциально смертельной болячки: 😡 https://www.group-telegram.com/nakanuneru/5796
BY Наивная политология
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Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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