✍نوشتهٔ فردریک سودربام استاد روابط بین‌الملل و مطالعات منطقه‌ای دانشگاه گوتنبرگ سوئد
🏅این کتاب توسط نشر مخاطب منتشر شده‌است، اما به‌دلیل ترجمه و ویراستاری نامناسب، خواندن نسخهٔ انگلیسی آن توصیه می‌شود. فایل حاضر از خود نویسنده دریافت شده و نشر آن به‌لحاظ اخلاقی ایرادی ندارد.
✍نوشتهٔ فردریک سودربام استاد روابط بین‌الملل و مطالعات منطقه‌ای دانشگاه گوتنبرگ سوئد
🏅این کتاب توسط نشر مخاطب منتشر شده‌است، اما به‌دلیل ترجمه و ویراستاری نامناسب، خواندن نسخهٔ انگلیسی آن توصیه می‌شود. فایل حاضر از خود نویسنده دریافت شده و نشر آن به‌لحاظ اخلاقی ایرادی ندارد.
This ability to mix the public and the private, as well as the ability to use bots to engage with users has proved to be problematic. In early 2021, a database selling phone numbers pulled from Facebook was selling numbers for $20 per lookup. Similarly, security researchers found a network of deepfake bots on the platform that were generating images of people submitted by users to create non-consensual imagery, some of which involved children. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. These administrators had built substantial positions in these scrips prior to the circulation of recommendations and offloaded their positions subsequent to rise in price of these scrips, making significant profits at the expense of unsuspecting investors, Sebi noted. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into." In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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