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8 февраля в музее «АТОМ» на ВДНХ будем говорить о языке и науке, разбирать пословицы и народные приметы. Почему «соль мокнет — к дождю», а «под лежачий камень вода не течёт». Приходите! 🎤
Паблик-ток «Как на Руси „верили“ в физику» и экскурсия. Начало в 17:30 🕠
8 февраля в музее «АТОМ» на ВДНХ будем говорить о языке и науке, разбирать пословицы и народные приметы. Почему «соль мокнет — к дождю», а «под лежачий камень вода не течёт». Приходите! 🎤
Паблик-ток «Как на Руси „верили“ в физику» и экскурсия. Начало в 17:30 🕠
At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. "There are a lot of things that Telegram could have been doing this whole time. And they know exactly what they are and they've chosen not to do them. That's why I don't trust them," she said. Official government accounts have also spread fake fact checks. An official Twitter account for the Russia diplomatic mission in Geneva shared a fake debunking video claiming without evidence that "Western and Ukrainian media are creating thousands of fake news on Russia every day." The video, which has amassed almost 30,000 views, offered a "how-to" spot misinformation. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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