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Лайфхак удачного российского придорожного сервиса на оживленной автотрассе: тёплый туалет и накладки на унитаз, отличать американо от капучино, пеленальный столик, вай-фай, детская комната, плазма с туристическими роликами, сортировка мусора, онлайн-касса и неоновая вывеска.
Лайфхак удачного российского придорожного сервиса на оживленной автотрассе: тёплый туалет и накладки на унитаз, отличать американо от капучино, пеленальный столик, вай-фай, детская комната, плазма с туристическими роликами, сортировка мусора, онлайн-касса и неоновая вывеска.
This provided opportunity to their linked entities to offload their shares at higher prices and make significant profits at the cost of unsuspecting retail investors. Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. "We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights.
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