Традиционная неформальная встреча лидеров СНГ пройдет в Санкт-Петербурге 24-25 декабря. На таких встречах обычно отсутствует заранее согласованная повестка, и не планируется подписание официальных документов; лидеры обмениваются мнениями по актуальным вопросам.
Также, 25-26 декабря в Санкт-Петербурге пройдет заседание Высшего Евразийского экономического совета. Совет собирается не реже одного раза в год, принимая решения консенсусом, обязательные для всех государств-участников. www.group-telegram.com/no/rpudank.com
Традиционная неформальная встреча лидеров СНГ пройдет в Санкт-Петербурге 24-25 декабря. На таких встречах обычно отсутствует заранее согласованная повестка, и не планируется подписание официальных документов; лидеры обмениваются мнениями по актуальным вопросам.
Также, 25-26 декабря в Санкт-Петербурге пройдет заседание Высшего Евразийского экономического совета. Совет собирается не реже одного раза в год, принимая решения консенсусом, обязательные для всех государств-участников. www.group-telegram.com/no/rpudank.com
BY РПУ «Данк»
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The picture was mixed overseas. Hong Kong’s Hang Seng Index fell 1.6%, under pressure from U.S. regulatory scrutiny on New York-listed Chinese companies. Stocks were more buoyant in Europe, where Frankfurt’s DAX surged 1.4%. Crude oil prices edged higher after tumbling on Thursday, when U.S. West Texas intermediate slid back below $110 per barrel after topping as much as $130 a barrel in recent sessions. Still, gas prices at the pump rose to fresh highs. Overall, extreme levels of fear in the market seems to have morphed into something more resembling concern. For example, the Cboe Volatility Index fell from its 2022 peak of 36, which it hit Monday, to around 30 on Friday, a sign of easing tensions. Meanwhile, while the price of WTI crude oil slipped from Sunday’s multiyear high $130 of barrel to $109 a pop. Markets have been expecting heavy restrictions on Russian oil, some of which the U.S. has already imposed, and that would reduce the global supply and bring about even more burdensome inflation. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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