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๐Ÿ‡บ๐Ÿ‡ธ๐Ÿ‡ฌ๐Ÿ‡ช๐ŸŽ—โšซ แƒกแƒแƒฅแƒแƒ แƒ—แƒ•แƒ”แƒšแƒแƒจแƒ˜ แƒแƒ›แƒ”แƒ แƒ˜แƒ™แƒ˜แƒก แƒจแƒ”แƒ”แƒ แƒ—แƒ”แƒ‘แƒฃแƒšแƒ˜ แƒจแƒขแƒแƒขแƒ”แƒ‘แƒ˜แƒก แƒกแƒแƒ”แƒšแƒฉแƒแƒก แƒกแƒแƒ›แƒซแƒ˜แƒ›แƒแƒ แƒ˜ แƒ’แƒแƒšแƒ˜แƒก แƒ แƒแƒ˜แƒแƒœแƒ˜แƒก แƒกแƒแƒคแƒ”แƒš แƒกแƒแƒ‘แƒ”แƒ แƒ˜แƒแƒจแƒ˜ แƒขแƒ แƒแƒ’แƒ˜แƒ™แƒฃแƒšแƒแƒ“ แƒ“แƒแƒฆแƒฃแƒžแƒฃแƒšแƒ˜ 5 แƒ‘แƒแƒ•แƒจแƒ•แƒ˜แƒก แƒแƒฏแƒแƒฎแƒก แƒ“แƒ แƒแƒฎแƒšแƒแƒ‘แƒšแƒ”แƒ‘แƒก.

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"This time we received the coordinates of enemy vehicles marked 'V' in Kyiv region," it added. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. Pavel Durov, a billionaire who embraces an all-black wardrobe and is often compared to the character Neo from "the Matrix," funds Telegram through his personal wealth and debt financing. And despite being one of the world's most popular tech companies, Telegram reportedly has only about 30 employees who defer to Durov for most major decisions about the platform. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Marรฉchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into." But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford.
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