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Первый фестиваль видео-арта Videobrasil прошел в 1983 году в Музее изображения и звука (MIS) в Сан-Паулу. С момента основания он эволюционировал в международную творческую платформу и постепенно собрал обширную коллекцию художественных работ, публикаций, документов, интервью, записей перформансов и других материалов.

Делимся редкими архивными кадрами фестиваля Videobrasil и предлагаем изучить четыре десятилетия развития мирового видео-арта в нашем выставочном проекте.

Информационный партнер выставки — The Blueprint

Фото: Videobrasil Historical Archive

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1983: the first Videobrasil festival of video art takes place in the São Paulo Museum of Image and Sound.

Since, Videobrasil has evolved into a platform and accumulated a massive collection of works, publications, documents, performance recordings, and more. Here, we’re sharing some shots from their archive.

Explore four decades of video art at our collaborative exhibition with Videobrasil, open now at GES-2 House of Culture!

Image: Videobrasil Historical Archive

#ges2exhibition
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Первый фестиваль видео-арта Videobrasil прошел в 1983 году в Музее изображения и звука (MIS) в Сан-Паулу. С момента основания он эволюционировал в международную творческую платформу и постепенно собрал обширную коллекцию художественных работ, публикаций, документов, интервью, записей перформансов и других материалов.

Делимся редкими архивными кадрами фестиваля Videobrasil и предлагаем изучить четыре десятилетия развития мирового видео-арта в нашем выставочном проекте.

Информационный партнер выставки — The Blueprint

Фото: Videobrasil Historical Archive

eng 👇

1983: the first Videobrasil festival of video art takes place in the São Paulo Museum of Image and Sound.

Since, Videobrasil has evolved into a platform and accumulated a massive collection of works, publications, documents, performance recordings, and more. Here, we’re sharing some shots from their archive.

Explore four decades of video art at our collaborative exhibition with Videobrasil, open now at GES-2 House of Culture!

Image: Videobrasil Historical Archive

#ges2exhibition

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A Russian Telegram channel with over 700,000 followers is spreading disinformation about Russia's invasion of Ukraine under the guise of providing "objective information" and fact-checking fake news. Its influence extends beyond the platform, with major Russian publications, government officials, and journalists citing the page's posts. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Given the pro-privacy stance of the platform, it’s taken as a given that it’ll be used for a number of reasons, not all of them good. And Telegram has been attached to a fair few scandals related to terrorism, sexual exploitation and crime. Back in 2015, Vox described Telegram as “ISIS’ app of choice,” saying that the platform’s real use is the ability to use channels to distribute material to large groups at once. Telegram has acted to remove public channels affiliated with terrorism, but Pavel Durov reiterated that he had no business snooping on private conversations. In this regard, Sebi collaborated with the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) to reduce the vulnerability of the securities market to manipulation through misuse of mass communication medium like bulk SMS. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin.
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