Gentzkow, Matthew and Jesse M. Shapiro (2006). “Media Bias and Reputation.” Journal of Political Economy 114(2): 280-316 سوگیری رسانه و اندازه‌گیری آن:
Gentzkow, Matthew and Jesse M. Shapiro (2010). “What Drives Media Slant? Evidence from U.S. Daily Newspapers.” Econometrica 78(1): 35-7
Chiang, Chun-Fang. F., & Brian Knight. (2011). “Media bias and influence: Evidence from newspaper endorsements.” The Review of Economic Studies, 78(3), 795- 820.
مطالعات اثر رسانه بر مخاطب و رفاه:
Alcott, Hunt, Luca Braghieri, Sarah Eichmeyer, and Matthew Gentzkow, “The Welfare Effects of Social Media.” Forthcoming, American Economic Review.
Levy, Ro’ee. “Social Media, News Consumption, and Polarization: Evidence from a Field Experiment
اثر دولت‌ها و قدرتهای سیاسی بر رسانه‌های مستقل: Qian, Nancy and David Yanagizawa-Drott (2017). “Government Distortion in Independently Owned Media: Evidence from U.S. News Coverage of Human Rights.” Journal of the European Economic Association 15(2) و
Durante, Ruben and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya (2018). “Attack When the World Is Not Watching? US News and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.” Journal of Political Economy 126(3)
اثر رسانه بر شکل‌گیری تمایلات سیاسی:
Snyder, James M. Jr. and David Stromberg (2010). “Press Coverage and Political Accountability.” Journal of Political Economy 118(2): 355-408. •ثCampante, Filipe R. and Quoc-Anh Do (2014). “Isolated Capital Cities, Accountability , and Corruption: Evidence from US States.” American Economic Review 104(8): 2456-2481. Bidwell, Kelley, Katherine Casey and Rachel Glennerster (2018). “Debates: Voting and Expenditure Responses to Political Communication.” Mimeo. • Larreguy, Horacio A., John Marshall and James M. Snyder Jr. (2014). “Reveal
Gentzkow, Matthew and Jesse M. Shapiro (2006). “Media Bias and Reputation.” Journal of Political Economy 114(2): 280-316 سوگیری رسانه و اندازه‌گیری آن:
Gentzkow, Matthew and Jesse M. Shapiro (2010). “What Drives Media Slant? Evidence from U.S. Daily Newspapers.” Econometrica 78(1): 35-7
Chiang, Chun-Fang. F., & Brian Knight. (2011). “Media bias and influence: Evidence from newspaper endorsements.” The Review of Economic Studies, 78(3), 795- 820.
مطالعات اثر رسانه بر مخاطب و رفاه:
Alcott, Hunt, Luca Braghieri, Sarah Eichmeyer, and Matthew Gentzkow, “The Welfare Effects of Social Media.” Forthcoming, American Economic Review.
Levy, Ro’ee. “Social Media, News Consumption, and Polarization: Evidence from a Field Experiment
اثر دولت‌ها و قدرتهای سیاسی بر رسانه‌های مستقل: Qian, Nancy and David Yanagizawa-Drott (2017). “Government Distortion in Independently Owned Media: Evidence from U.S. News Coverage of Human Rights.” Journal of the European Economic Association 15(2) و
Durante, Ruben and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya (2018). “Attack When the World Is Not Watching? US News and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.” Journal of Political Economy 126(3)
اثر رسانه بر شکل‌گیری تمایلات سیاسی:
Snyder, James M. Jr. and David Stromberg (2010). “Press Coverage and Political Accountability.” Journal of Political Economy 118(2): 355-408. •ثCampante, Filipe R. and Quoc-Anh Do (2014). “Isolated Capital Cities, Accountability , and Corruption: Evidence from US States.” American Economic Review 104(8): 2456-2481. Bidwell, Kelley, Katherine Casey and Rachel Glennerster (2018). “Debates: Voting and Expenditure Responses to Political Communication.” Mimeo. • Larreguy, Horacio A., John Marshall and James M. Snyder Jr. (2014). “Reveal
BY یادداشت‌های توسعه - فاطمه‌نجفی
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Overall, extreme levels of fear in the market seems to have morphed into something more resembling concern. For example, the Cboe Volatility Index fell from its 2022 peak of 36, which it hit Monday, to around 30 on Friday, a sign of easing tensions. Meanwhile, while the price of WTI crude oil slipped from Sunday’s multiyear high $130 of barrel to $109 a pop. Markets have been expecting heavy restrictions on Russian oil, some of which the U.S. has already imposed, and that would reduce the global supply and bring about even more burdensome inflation. "He has to start being more proactive and to find a real solution to this situation, not stay in standby without interfering. It's a very irresponsible position from the owner of Telegram," she said. "We're seeing really dramatic moves, and it's all really tied to Ukraine right now, and in a secondary way, in terms of interest rates," Octavio Marenzi, CEO of Opimas, told Yahoo Finance Live on Thursday. "This war in Ukraine is going to give the Fed the ammunition, the cover that it needs, to not raise interest rates too quickly. And I think Jay Powell is a very tepid sort of inflation fighter and he's not going to do as much as he needs to do to get that under control. And this seems like an excuse to kick the can further down the road still and not do too much too soon." The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government.
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