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Половина жителей Сыктывкара считает, что образование в последние годы стало хуже. Особенно это мнение распространено среди людей в возрасте от 35 до 44 лет. Школьным образованием среди них недовольны 56% опрошенных. На данную категорию приходится большинство родителей школьников.

Также около 60% сыктывкарцев всех возрастов считают, современная система образования не обеспечивает достаточное количество практических навыков. Также 28% предложили ввести дополнительные уроки труда или домоводства.

СД.



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Половина жителей Сыктывкара считает, что образование в последние годы стало хуже. Особенно это мнение распространено среди людей в возрасте от 35 до 44 лет. Школьным образованием среди них недовольны 56% опрошенных. На данную категорию приходится большинство родителей школьников.

Также около 60% сыктывкарцев всех возрастов считают, современная система образования не обеспечивает достаточное количество практических навыков. Также 28% предложили ввести дополнительные уроки труда или домоводства.

СД.

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That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. Pavel Durov, a billionaire who embraces an all-black wardrobe and is often compared to the character Neo from "the Matrix," funds Telegram through his personal wealth and debt financing. And despite being one of the world's most popular tech companies, Telegram reportedly has only about 30 employees who defer to Durov for most major decisions about the platform. Russian President Vladimir Putin launched Russia's invasion of Ukraine in the early-morning hours of February 24, targeting several key cities with military strikes. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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