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Вышел в свет реферативный сборник "Россия в учебниках истории стран Ближнего и Постсоветского Востока, Китая".

В сборнике представлены россиецентричные рефераты учебников истории для средних и высших учебных заведений Азербайджана, Узбекистана, Казахстана, Киргизии, Таджикистана, Турции, Ирана, Израиля, Египта, Туниса и Китая. Цель реферирования заключалась
в выявлении отношения к России в историческом процессе. 

Россия в учебниках истории стран Ближнего и Постсоветского Востока, Китая: реферативный сборник / отв. ред. В.А. Аватков ; ИНИОН РАН. – Москва, 2024. – 155 с.

Ознакомиться со сборником можно по ссылке.



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Вышел в свет реферативный сборник "Россия в учебниках истории стран Ближнего и Постсоветского Востока, Китая".

В сборнике представлены россиецентричные рефераты учебников истории для средних и высших учебных заведений Азербайджана, Узбекистана, Казахстана, Киргизии, Таджикистана, Турции, Ирана, Израиля, Египта, Туниса и Китая. Цель реферирования заключалась
в выявлении отношения к России в историческом процессе. 

Россия в учебниках истории стран Ближнего и Постсоветского Востока, Китая: реферативный сборник / отв. ред. В.А. Аватков ; ИНИОН РАН. – Москва, 2024. – 155 с.

Ознакомиться со сборником можно по ссылке.

BY ОБПВ ИНИОН РАН


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The Securities and Exchange Board of India (Sebi) had carried out a similar exercise in 2017 in a matter related to circulation of messages through WhatsApp. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion. Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Messages are not fully encrypted by default. That means the company could, in theory, access the content of the messages, or be forced to hand over the data at the request of a government.
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