«من الجوانب التي تبرز أهميّة دراسة الجماعات الإسلاميّة أنه لا تكاد تجد شيئًا إلا وجرّبه العاملون للإسلام فحصلت كل الظروف الخارجية وتنوّعت الأساليب والطرق، وهنا إشارة إلى ضرورة وجود النقد المثمر وأنّ الولع بالنقد النظري الفلسفي غير المثمر غير مفيد إطلاقاً»
«من الجوانب التي تبرز أهميّة دراسة الجماعات الإسلاميّة أنه لا تكاد تجد شيئًا إلا وجرّبه العاملون للإسلام فحصلت كل الظروف الخارجية وتنوّعت الأساليب والطرق، وهنا إشارة إلى ضرورة وجود النقد المثمر وأنّ الولع بالنقد النظري الفلسفي غير المثمر غير مفيد إطلاقاً»
In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Sebi said data, emails and other documents are being retrieved from the seized devices and detailed investigation is in progress. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones.
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