Я предлагаю отцу Ткачеву отказаться от зарплаты в Царьграде, отказаться от богатого Московского прихода. Уехать куда-нибудь в глубинку России или на Донбасс поближе к фронту и там говорить свои проповеди. Я посмотрю что он запоет через годик. Между московскими священниками и деревенскими социальная, я бы сказал, классовая пропасть. Как же далеки они от просто народа, эти московские батюшки.
Я предлагаю отцу Ткачеву отказаться от зарплаты в Царьграде, отказаться от богатого Московского прихода. Уехать куда-нибудь в глубинку России или на Донбасс поближе к фронту и там говорить свои проповеди. Я посмотрю что он запоет через годик. Между московскими священниками и деревенскими социальная, я бы сказал, классовая пропасть. Как же далеки они от просто народа, эти московские батюшки.
BY Александр Пасечник
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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Pavel Durov, Telegram's CEO, is known as "the Russian Mark Zuckerberg," for co-founding VKontakte, which is Russian for "in touch," a Facebook imitator that became the country's most popular social networking site. These entities are reportedly operating nine Telegram channels with more than five million subscribers to whom they were making recommendations on selected listed scrips. Such recommendations induced the investors to deal in the said scrips, thereby creating artificial volume and price rise. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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