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تجزیه‌طلبانی که با پوشش طرفدار تراکتور گمان کرده بودند دیار رضا شاه هم مثل بعضی جاهای دیگر است، در استادیوم نساجی در شاهی (قائمشهر) شعارهای تجزیه‌طلبانه دادند، پرچم باکو را بلند کردند و صندلی‌ها را شکستند. طرفداران نساجی هم درهای استادیوم را بسته و به تجزیه‌طلبان نشان دادند «اینجه اونجه نیه!»
@C_B_SHAHZADEH



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تجزیه‌طلبانی که با پوشش طرفدار تراکتور گمان کرده بودند دیار رضا شاه هم مثل بعضی جاهای دیگر است، در استادیوم نساجی در شاهی (قائمشهر) شعارهای تجزیه‌طلبانه دادند، پرچم باکو را بلند کردند و صندلی‌ها را شکستند. طرفداران نساجی هم درهای استادیوم را بسته و به تجزیه‌طلبان نشان دادند «اینجه اونجه نیه!»
@C_B_SHAHZADEH

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Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. Ukrainian forces have since put up a strong resistance to the Russian troops amid the war that has left hundreds of Ukrainian civilians, including children, dead, according to the United Nations. Ukrainian and international officials have accused Russia of targeting civilian populations with shelling and bombardments.
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