✍نوشتهٔ فردریک سودربام استاد روابط بین‌الملل و مطالعات منطقه‌ای دانشگاه گوتنبرگ سوئد
🏅این کتاب توسط نشر مخاطب منتشر شده‌است، اما به‌دلیل ترجمه و ویراستاری نامناسب، خواندن نسخهٔ انگلیسی آن توصیه می‌شود. فایل حاضر از خود نویسنده دریافت شده و نشر آن به‌لحاظ اخلاقی ایرادی ندارد.
✍نوشتهٔ فردریک سودربام استاد روابط بین‌الملل و مطالعات منطقه‌ای دانشگاه گوتنبرگ سوئد
🏅این کتاب توسط نشر مخاطب منتشر شده‌است، اما به‌دلیل ترجمه و ویراستاری نامناسب، خواندن نسخهٔ انگلیسی آن توصیه می‌شود. فایل حاضر از خود نویسنده دریافت شده و نشر آن به‌لحاظ اخلاقی ایرادی ندارد.
He adds: "Telegram has become my primary news source." For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. Markets continued to grapple with the economic and corporate earnings implications relating to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. “We have a ton of uncertainty right now,” said Stephanie Link, chief investment strategist and portfolio manager at Hightower Advisors. “We’re dealing with a war, we’re dealing with inflation. We don’t know what it means to earnings.” "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores.
from pl
