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Теория белорусской самобытности, якобы не польской и не русской, разбивается о простые вопросы. Достаточно спросить очередного марзалюка: "Кто герой для белорусов? Костюшко или Суворов? Калиновский или Муравьёв? Война 1812 Отечественная?" Свой ответ очевиден для каждого. Русская идентичность, самобытность и историческая память совпадает с белорусской, а якобы отдельная белорусская на поверку оказывается закамуфлированной польской.
Теория белорусской самобытности, якобы не польской и не русской, разбивается о простые вопросы. Достаточно спросить очередного марзалюка: "Кто герой для белорусов? Костюшко или Суворов? Калиновский или Муравьёв? Война 1812 Отечественная?" Свой ответ очевиден для каждого. Русская идентичность, самобытность и историческая память совпадает с белорусской, а якобы отдельная белорусская на поверку оказывается закамуфлированной польской.
The Securities and Exchange Board of India (Sebi) had carried out a similar exercise in 2017 in a matter related to circulation of messages through WhatsApp. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Overall, extreme levels of fear in the market seems to have morphed into something more resembling concern. For example, the Cboe Volatility Index fell from its 2022 peak of 36, which it hit Monday, to around 30 on Friday, a sign of easing tensions. Meanwhile, while the price of WTI crude oil slipped from Sunday’s multiyear high $130 of barrel to $109 a pop. Markets have been expecting heavy restrictions on Russian oil, some of which the U.S. has already imposed, and that would reduce the global supply and bring about even more burdensome inflation. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford.
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