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УАЗик - многовпихуемая машина.

Вошло 100 упаковок пеленок одноразовых 60×90 и 50 упаковок урологических прокладок.

И еще 50 упаковок средств женской гигиены и препараты противопролежневые.

Половина вошла в коробках, остальное по упаковкам распихал по всей машине)



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УАЗик - многовпихуемая машина.

Вошло 100 упаковок пеленок одноразовых 60×90 и 50 упаковок урологических прокладок.

И еще 50 упаковок средств женской гигиены и препараты противопролежневые.

Половина вошла в коробках, остальное по упаковкам распихал по всей машине)

BY Сергей Ярцев





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But Kliuchnikov, the Ukranian now in France, said he will use Signal or WhatsApp for sensitive conversations, but questions around privacy on Telegram do not give him pause when it comes to sharing information about the war. On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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