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Дидгорский монумент.

Когда мы в начале ноября ездили в Тбилиси, добрались до вот такого места. Это где-то час на машине от города, надо ехать высоко в горы — было немного прохладно, но зато вид на окрестности порадовал.

Построили монумент при СССР в 1976 году, а так он в честь битвы из аж 1121 года.

Величественно, круто. Но удивляет другое. В Грузии я пока что не видел плохих дорог. И даже в горах, даже вдали от цивилизации везде хорошие автомобильные дороги. Прям круто!

#грузия #тбилиси



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Дидгорский монумент.

Когда мы в начале ноября ездили в Тбилиси, добрались до вот такого места. Это где-то час на машине от города, надо ехать высоко в горы — было немного прохладно, но зато вид на окрестности порадовал.

Построили монумент при СССР в 1976 году, а так он в честь битвы из аж 1121 года.

Величественно, круто. Но удивляет другое. В Грузии я пока что не видел плохих дорог. И даже в горах, даже вдали от цивилизации везде хорошие автомобильные дороги. Прям круто!

#грузия #тбилиси

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Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today." Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." Now safely in France with his spouse and three of his children, Kliuchnikov scrolls through Telegram to learn about the devastation happening in his home country. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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