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Junger OrientalistπŸ•Š
Π‘Π°Π½ΠΈΡ…Π° Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ Π±Ρ‹Π»Π° ΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠΉ ΠΈΠ· ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π²Ρ‹Ρ… ΠΆΠ΅Π½Ρ‰ΠΈΠ½-Π²Ρ€Π°Ρ‡Π΅ΠΉ Π² Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ΅. Π’ 1943 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Ρƒ ΠΎΠ½Π° ΠΎΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ‡ΠΈΠ»Π° ΠœΠ΅Π΄ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΠ½ΡΠΊΠΈΠΉ институт Π² Π‘Π°Π³Π΄Π°Π΄Π΅ (Π½Ρ‹Π½Π΅ – Ρ‡Π°ΡΡ‚ΡŒ Багдадского унивСрситСта) ΠΈ стала Ρ€Π°Π±ΠΎΡ‚Π°Ρ‚ΡŒ Π² Π±ΠΎΠ»ΡŒΠ½ΠΈΡ†Π΅. Π’ ΠΆΡƒΡ€Π½Π°Π»Π΅ НСприкосновСнный запас Π²Ρ‹ΡˆΠ΅Π» ΠΌΠΎΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²ΠΎΠ΄ ΠΎΡ‚Ρ€Ρ‹Π²ΠΊΠΎΠ² ΠΈΠ· Π΅Ρ‘ воспоминаний.…
Β«Π‘Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π° ΠΌΠΎΠΉ ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π±Ρ‹Π» ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠΌ Π² османской Π°Ρ€ΠΌΠΈΠΈ, Π° Π·Π°Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ слуТил Π² иракской. Π’ Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π΅ монархичСского ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΠΎΠ΄Π° [Ρ‚.Π΅. Π² 1920-Ρ…] Π΅Π³ΠΎ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²Π΅Π»ΠΈ Π² министСрство просвСщСния, Π° ΠΏΠΎΠ·ΠΆΠ΅ ΠΈΠ·Π±Ρ€Π°Π»ΠΈ Π΄Π΅ΠΏΡƒΡ‚Π°Ρ‚ΠΎΠΌ иракского ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Π»Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π° ΠΎΡ‚ ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΈΠ½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ Π‘Π°Π³Π΄Π°Π΄Β».

Π­Ρ‚ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π»Π° распространённая ΠΊΠ°Ρ€ΡŒΠ΅Ρ€Π½Π°Ρ траСктория. Π‘Ρ€Π΅Π΄ΠΈ политичСской элиты ΠΈ Ρ‡ΠΈΠ½ΠΎΠ²Π½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ² монархичСского Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ° (1921–1958) Π±Ρ‹Π»ΠΎ Π½Π΅ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π²ΡˆΠΈΡ… османских ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ², ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Π² ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ†Π΅ ΠŸΠ΅Ρ€Π²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΌΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅ΡˆΠ»ΠΈ Π½Π° сторону Арабского восстания (1916).

πŸ“ΈΠœΡƒΡ…Π°ΠΌΠΌΠ°Π΄ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ (1924), ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π‘Π°Π½ΠΈΡ…ΠΈ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ



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Β«Π‘Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π° ΠΌΠΎΠΉ ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π±Ρ‹Π» ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠΌ Π² османской Π°Ρ€ΠΌΠΈΠΈ, Π° Π·Π°Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ слуТил Π² иракской. Π’ Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π΅ монархичСского ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΠΎΠ΄Π° [Ρ‚.Π΅. Π² 1920-Ρ…] Π΅Π³ΠΎ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²Π΅Π»ΠΈ Π² министСрство просвСщСния, Π° ΠΏΠΎΠ·ΠΆΠ΅ ΠΈΠ·Π±Ρ€Π°Π»ΠΈ Π΄Π΅ΠΏΡƒΡ‚Π°Ρ‚ΠΎΠΌ иракского ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Π»Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π° ΠΎΡ‚ ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΈΠ½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ Π‘Π°Π³Π΄Π°Π΄Β».

Π­Ρ‚ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π»Π° распространённая ΠΊΠ°Ρ€ΡŒΠ΅Ρ€Π½Π°Ρ траСктория. Π‘Ρ€Π΅Π΄ΠΈ политичСской элиты ΠΈ Ρ‡ΠΈΠ½ΠΎΠ²Π½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ² монархичСского Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ° (1921–1958) Π±Ρ‹Π»ΠΎ Π½Π΅ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π²ΡˆΠΈΡ… османских ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ², ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Π² ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ†Π΅ ΠŸΠ΅Ρ€Π²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΌΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅ΡˆΠ»ΠΈ Π½Π° сторону Арабского восстания (1916).

πŸ“ΈΠœΡƒΡ…Π°ΠΌΠΌΠ°Π΄ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ (1924), ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π‘Π°Π½ΠΈΡ…ΠΈ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ

BY Junger OrientalistπŸ•Š




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Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a β€œlegitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. Channels are not fully encrypted, end-to-end. All communications on a Telegram channel can be seen by anyone on the channel and are also visible to Telegram. Telegram may be asked by a government to hand over the communications from a channel. Telegram has a history of standing up to Russian government requests for data, but how comfortable you are relying on that history to predict future behavior is up to you. Because Telegram has this data, it may also be stolen by hackers or leaked by an internal employee. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on β€œlarge one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be β€œnon-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. Friday’s performance was part of a larger shift. For the week, the Dow, S&P 500 and Nasdaq fell 2%, 2.9%, and 3.5%, respectively.
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