Не будем цитировать коллег из "Стукачёва", тем более что мы не поддерживаем эту теорию заговора, как и все остальные подобные теории заговора. Но должны заметить, что в ситуации с организованной (плохо организованной) атакой на Алексея Дробашенко, иркутские тележки выглядели не лучшим образом, и больше всего напоминали стайку трусливых собачонок, которым разрешили полаять на приезжего. Ни к чему, кроме падения рейтингов этих тележек, это не привело. Что интересно, работать на два фронта писателям в тележки не удаётся. Про клан Красноштановых как-то сразу забыли... The writer's skill is completely surrounded by a halo of mystery.
Не будем цитировать коллег из "Стукачёва", тем более что мы не поддерживаем эту теорию заговора, как и все остальные подобные теории заговора. Но должны заметить, что в ситуации с организованной (плохо организованной) атакой на Алексея Дробашенко, иркутские тележки выглядели не лучшим образом, и больше всего напоминали стайку трусливых собачонок, которым разрешили полаять на приезжего. Ни к чему, кроме падения рейтингов этих тележек, это не привело. Что интересно, работать на два фронта писателям в тележки не удаётся. Про клан Красноштановых как-то сразу забыли... The writer's skill is completely surrounded by a halo of mystery.
BY Иркутский дзынь
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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. He said that since his platform does not have the capacity to check all channels, it may restrict some in Russia and Ukraine "for the duration of the conflict," but then reversed course hours later after many users complained that Telegram was an important source of information. What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm.
from pl
