Сравнение концессий высокоскоростных магистралей в России, Франции и Португалии
В конце 2024 года состоялось финансовое закрытие по концессии высокоскоростной железнодорожной магистрали (ВСМ) Москва — Санкт-Петербург. Были подписаны договоры на привлечение финансирования общим объемом ₽1,788 трлн.
▶️Для строительства ВСМ в ряде стран используется механизм государственно-частного партнерства (ГЧП), в частности, концессионные соглашения.
Предлагаем сравнить три концессионных соглашения на строительство ВСМ, реализуемые в России, Франции и Португалии.
Сравнение концессий высокоскоростных магистралей в России, Франции и Португалии
В конце 2024 года состоялось финансовое закрытие по концессии высокоскоростной железнодорожной магистрали (ВСМ) Москва — Санкт-Петербург. Были подписаны договоры на привлечение финансирования общим объемом ₽1,788 трлн.
▶️Для строительства ВСМ в ряде стран используется механизм государственно-частного партнерства (ГЧП), в частности, концессионные соглашения.
Предлагаем сравнить три концессионных соглашения на строительство ВСМ, реализуемые в России, Франции и Португалии.
"And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. These administrators had built substantial positions in these scrips prior to the circulation of recommendations and offloaded their positions subsequent to rise in price of these scrips, making significant profits at the expense of unsuspecting investors, Sebi noted. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content.
from pl
