Ну вы понимаете, что сбить крота на асфальте это надо очень как постараться... Но если все-таки сбили что делать? Завернуть крота в стошку и уехать или всё-таки вызывать наряд ДПС и дожидаться у места происшествия???
Ну вы понимаете, что сбить крота на асфальте это надо очень как постараться... Но если все-таки сбили что делать? Завернуть крота в стошку и уехать или всё-таки вызывать наряд ДПС и дожидаться у места происшествия???
BY Павел Назим - инженерная графика.
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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Now safely in France with his spouse and three of his children, Kliuchnikov scrolls through Telegram to learn about the devastation happening in his home country. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried.
from pl
