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📹 انعکاس اقتصاد، از رسانه به مردم نسخه صوتی ▫️در عصری که انفجار اطلاعاتی، ممکن است هر بازتاب دهنده  خبری را به مرجع  تبدیل کند، وظیفه رسانه ها سنگین تر از پیش به نظر میرسد. ▫️در این میان، وضعیت معیشتی مردم در سراسر جهان، به گونه ای دچار دگردیسی شده است،…
مقالات مرتبط با این گفتگو؛

چهارچوب تئوری رابطه مردم و رسانه:

‎Gentzkow, Matthew and Jesse M. Shapiro (2006). “Media Bias and Reputation.”
‎Journal of Political Economy 114(2): 280-316
‎سوگیری رسانه و اندازه‌گیری آن:

‎Gentzkow, Matthew and Jesse M. Shapiro (2010). “What Drives Media Slant?
‎Evidence from U.S. Daily Newspapers.” Econometrica 78(1): 35-7

‎Chiang, Chun-Fang. F., & Brian Knight. (2011). “Media bias and influence: Evidence from newspaper endorsements.” The Review of Economic Studies, 78(3), 795-
‎820.

‎مطالعات اثر رسانه بر مخاطب و رفاه:

‎ Alcott, Hunt, Luca Braghieri, Sarah Eichmeyer, and Matthew Gentzkow, “The
‎Welfare Effects of Social Media.” Forthcoming, American Economic Review.

‎Levy, Ro’ee. “Social Media, News Consumption, and Polarization: Evidence from a
‎Field Experiment

اثر دولت‌ها و قدرتهای سیاسی بر رسانه‌های مستقل:
‎ Qian, Nancy and David Yanagizawa-Drott (2017). “Government Distortion in Independently Owned Media: Evidence from U.S. News Coverage of Human Rights.”
‎Journal of the European Economic Association 15(2)
‎و

‎Durante, Ruben and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya (2018). “Attack When the World Is
‎Not Watching? US News and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.” Journal of Political
‎Economy 126(3)

اثر رسانه بر شکل‌گیری تمایلات سیاسی:

‎Snyder, James M. Jr. and David Stromberg (2010). “Press Coverage and Political
‎Accountability.” Journal of Political Economy 118(2): 355-408.
‎•ثCampante, Filipe R. and Quoc-Anh Do (2014). “Isolated Capital Cities, Accountability , and Corruption: Evidence from US States.” American Economic Review
‎104(8): 2456-2481.
‎Bidwell, Kelley, Katherine Casey and Rachel Glennerster (2018). “Debates: Voting
‎and Expenditure Responses to Political Communication.” Mimeo.
‎• Larreguy, Horacio A., John Marshall and James M. Snyder Jr. (2014). “Reveal



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مقالات مرتبط با این گفتگو؛

چهارچوب تئوری رابطه مردم و رسانه:

‎Gentzkow, Matthew and Jesse M. Shapiro (2006). “Media Bias and Reputation.”
‎Journal of Political Economy 114(2): 280-316
‎سوگیری رسانه و اندازه‌گیری آن:

‎Gentzkow, Matthew and Jesse M. Shapiro (2010). “What Drives Media Slant?
‎Evidence from U.S. Daily Newspapers.” Econometrica 78(1): 35-7

‎Chiang, Chun-Fang. F., & Brian Knight. (2011). “Media bias and influence: Evidence from newspaper endorsements.” The Review of Economic Studies, 78(3), 795-
‎820.

‎مطالعات اثر رسانه بر مخاطب و رفاه:

‎ Alcott, Hunt, Luca Braghieri, Sarah Eichmeyer, and Matthew Gentzkow, “The
‎Welfare Effects of Social Media.” Forthcoming, American Economic Review.

‎Levy, Ro’ee. “Social Media, News Consumption, and Polarization: Evidence from a
‎Field Experiment

اثر دولت‌ها و قدرتهای سیاسی بر رسانه‌های مستقل:
‎ Qian, Nancy and David Yanagizawa-Drott (2017). “Government Distortion in Independently Owned Media: Evidence from U.S. News Coverage of Human Rights.”
‎Journal of the European Economic Association 15(2)
‎و

‎Durante, Ruben and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya (2018). “Attack When the World Is
‎Not Watching? US News and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.” Journal of Political
‎Economy 126(3)

اثر رسانه بر شکل‌گیری تمایلات سیاسی:

‎Snyder, James M. Jr. and David Stromberg (2010). “Press Coverage and Political
‎Accountability.” Journal of Political Economy 118(2): 355-408.
‎•ثCampante, Filipe R. and Quoc-Anh Do (2014). “Isolated Capital Cities, Accountability , and Corruption: Evidence from US States.” American Economic Review
‎104(8): 2456-2481.
‎Bidwell, Kelley, Katherine Casey and Rachel Glennerster (2018). “Debates: Voting
‎and Expenditure Responses to Political Communication.” Mimeo.
‎• Larreguy, Horacio A., John Marshall and James M. Snyder Jr. (2014). “Reveal

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As a result, the pandemic saw many newcomers to Telegram, including prominent anti-vaccine activists who used the app's hands-off approach to share false information on shots, a study from the Institute for Strategic Dialogue shows. Pavel Durov, a billionaire who embraces an all-black wardrobe and is often compared to the character Neo from "the Matrix," funds Telegram through his personal wealth and debt financing. And despite being one of the world's most popular tech companies, Telegram reportedly has only about 30 employees who defer to Durov for most major decisions about the platform. Perpetrators of these scams will create a public group on Telegram to promote these investment packages that are usually accompanied by fake testimonies and sometimes advertised as being Shariah-compliant. Interested investors will be asked to directly message the representatives to begin investing in the various investment packages offered. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion.
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