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Памятники истории и культуры Челябинской области

Здание Челябинского государственного театра оперы и балета им. М. Глинки (г. Челябинск, пл. Ярославского, 1)

Здание театра оперы и балета было спроектировано и построено в 1936–1955 годы (арх. Н. Куренной, Москва). Решение о его строительстве в Челябинске было принято СНК СССР 25 мая 1934 г. В проектах 1936 г., по которым в довоенное время велось строительство (начало работ — 1937 г.), облик театра строг и сдержан, ощущается влияние аскетичного конструктивизма. Главный фасад решен мощным портиком из 8 спаренных колонн прямоугольного сечения. Над аттиковым завершением — аллегорические скульптурные группы. Подробнее...

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Last Update: 2024-12-29 10:08:44

Здание Челябинского государственного театра оперы и балета им. М. Глинки (г. Челябинск, пл. Ярославского, 1)

Здание театра оперы и балета было спроектировано и построено в 1936–1955 годы (арх. Н. Куренной, Москва). Решение о его строительстве в Челябинске было принято СНК СССР 25 мая 1934 г. В проектах 1936 г., по которым в довоенное время велось строительство (начало работ — 1937 г.), облик театра строг и сдержан, ощущается влияние аскетичного конструктивизма. Главный фасад решен мощным портиком из 8 спаренных колонн прямоугольного сечения. Над аттиковым завершением — аллегорические скульптурные группы. Подробнее...

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Date: 2024-12-29|

The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. To that end, when files are actively downloading, a new icon now appears in the Search bar that users can tap to view and manage downloads, pause and resume all downloads or just individual items, and select one to increase its priority or view it in a chat. What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today."
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