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Пока мы разбирались с отпуском главы Мытищ, зампред Совбеза Дмитрий Анатольевич Медведев посетил Коломну вместе с губернатором Воробьёвым.

В Конструкторском бюро машиностроения чиновники обсудили поставки и производство востребованных образцов вооружений, военной, специальной техники и средств поражения.



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Пока мы разбирались с отпуском главы Мытищ, зампред Совбеза Дмитрий Анатольевич Медведев посетил Коломну вместе с губернатором Воробьёвым.

В Конструкторском бюро машиностроения чиновники обсудили поставки и производство востребованных образцов вооружений, военной, специальной техники и средств поражения.

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Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. Although some channels have been removed, the curation process is considered opaque and insufficient by analysts. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching.
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