«— Господи, это я мая второго дня. — Кто эти идиоты? — Это мои друзья. На берегу реки водка и шашлыки, облака и русалки. — Э, не рви на куски. На кусочки не рви, мерзостью назови, ад посули посмертно, но не лишай любви високосной весной, слышь меня, основной! — Кто эти мудочёсы? — Это — со мной!»
«— Господи, это я мая второго дня. — Кто эти идиоты? — Это мои друзья. На берегу реки водка и шашлыки, облака и русалки. — Э, не рви на куски. На кусочки не рви, мерзостью назови, ад посули посмертно, но не лишай любви високосной весной, слышь меня, основной! — Кто эти мудочёсы? — Это — со мной!»
In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. On Telegram’s website, it says that Pavel Durov “supports Telegram financially and ideologically while Nikolai (Duvov)’s input is technological.” Currently, the Telegram team is based in Dubai, having moved around from Berlin, London and Singapore after departing Russia. Meanwhile, the company which owns Telegram is registered in the British Virgin Islands.
from pl
