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Россети Северо-Запад | Telegram Webview: rossetisevzap/3908 -
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💡Световая башня, фары бригадных машин, фонари.

Продолжаем работать в Лахденпохском районе Карелии и днем и ночью.

На смене 22 бригады.

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Заместитель директора Западно-Карельских электрических сетей Олег Калятин.

#мыработаемрадивас
@rossetisevzap



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💡Световая башня, фары бригадных машин, фонари.

Продолжаем работать в Лахденпохском районе Карелии и днем и ночью.

На смене 22 бригады.

📹
Заместитель директора Западно-Карельских электрических сетей Олег Калятин.

#мыработаемрадивас
@rossetisevzap

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Update March 8, 2022: EFF has clarified that Channels and Groups are not fully encrypted, end-to-end, updated our post to link to Telegram’s FAQ for Cloud and Secret chats, updated to clarify that auto-delete is available for group and channel admins, and added some additional links. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. "Markets were cheering this economic recovery and return to strong economic growth, but the cheers will turn to tears if the inflation outbreak pushes businesses and consumers to the brink of recession," he added. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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