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Сегодня в 5.38 утра в Нефтяную гавань Одессы со стороны моря зашел наш БЭК и нанес огневое поражение топливно-газовому портовому оборудованию.

Пожар до сих пор не удалось потушить. Порт окружен силовиками с целью избежания утечки информации, на месте глушат мобильную связь и интернет.



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Сегодня в 5.38 утра в Нефтяную гавань Одессы со стороны моря зашел наш БЭК и нанес огневое поражение топливно-газовому портовому оборудованию.

Пожар до сих пор не удалось потушить. Порт окружен силовиками с целью избежания утечки информации, на месте глушат мобильную связь и интернет.

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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm.
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