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СӨ тыа хаһаайыстыбатын миниистирэ Артем Александров үлэтин, олоҕун-дьаһаҕын "Ис дьиҥминэн" биэриигэ сырдатабыт.

Биэриини сэтинньи 10 күнүгэр 17:00 чаастан НВК «Саха» ханаалга көрүҥ.

@nvk_sakha
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СӨ тыа хаһаайыстыбатын миниистирэ Артем Александров үлэтин, олоҕун-дьаһаҕын "Ис дьиҥминэн" биэриигэ сырдатабыт.

Биэриини сэтинньи 10 күнүгэр 17:00 чаастан НВК «Саха» ханаалга көрүҥ.

@nvk_sakha

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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. Pavel Durov, a billionaire who embraces an all-black wardrobe and is often compared to the character Neo from "the Matrix," funds Telegram through his personal wealth and debt financing. And despite being one of the world's most popular tech companies, Telegram reportedly has only about 30 employees who defer to Durov for most major decisions about the platform. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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