Военная дорога. Снимок сделал на обычный телефон из кузова пикапа. Не обрабатывал. Но вышло красиво. Всё потому, что у едущей за нами машины были выключены фары. Не из предосторожности, а просто не работали по причине износа. На войне всё быстро изнашивается: машины, города, люди. Но даже там, в мрачнейшей обстановке, можно увидеть красоту.
Военная дорога. Снимок сделал на обычный телефон из кузова пикапа. Не обрабатывал. Но вышло красиво. Всё потому, что у едущей за нами машины были выключены фары. Не из предосторожности, а просто не работали по причине износа. На войне всё быстро изнашивается: машины, города, люди. Но даже там, в мрачнейшей обстановке, можно увидеть красоту.
Following this, Sebi, in an order passed in January 2022, established that the administrators of a Telegram channel having a large subscriber base enticed the subscribers to act upon recommendations that were circulated by those administrators on the channel, leading to significant price and volume impact in various scrips. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. As the war in Ukraine rages, the messaging app Telegram has emerged as the go-to place for unfiltered live war updates for both Ukrainian refugees and increasingly isolated Russians alike. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. These administrators had built substantial positions in these scrips prior to the circulation of recommendations and offloaded their positions subsequent to rise in price of these scrips, making significant profits at the expense of unsuspecting investors, Sebi noted.
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