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πŸ‡¬πŸ‡ͺΠžΡ‚Π΅Π»ΡŒ-ΡˆΠ΅Π»Ρ‚Π΅Ρ€ Π² Π“Ρ€ΡƒΠ·ΠΈΠΈ: для политичСских активистов, Турналистов ΠΈ ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΎΠ·Π°Ρ‰ΠΈΡ‚Π½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ² ΠΈΠ· России

C 2019 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Π° ΠΌΡ‹ ΠΏΠΎΠΌΠΎΠ³Π°Π΅ΠΌ Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ, ΠΊΡ‚ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π» Π²Ρ‹Π½ΡƒΠΆΠ΄Π΅Π½ ΡƒΠ΅Ρ…Π°Ρ‚ΡŒ ΠΈΠ· России ΠΈΠ·-Π·Π° политичСского прСслСдования. БСйчас Ρƒ нас Ρ€Π°Π±ΠΎΡ‚Π°Π΅Ρ‚ ΡˆΠ΅Π»Ρ‚Π΅Ρ€ Π² Вбилиси, Π³Π΄Π΅ Π²Ρ‹ смоТСтС ΠΎΡΡ‚Π°Π½ΠΎΠ²ΠΈΡ‚ΡŒΡΡ, ΠΏΠΎΠΊΠ° Π½Π΅ Π½Π°ΠΉΠ΄Π΅Ρ‚Π΅ сСбС постоянноС мСсто. ΠœΡ‹ Ρ‚Π°ΠΊΠΆΠ΅ ΠΏΠΎΠΌΠΎΠΆΠ΅ΠΌ ΡΠΎΡ€ΠΈΠ΅Π½Ρ‚ΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²Π°Ρ‚ΡŒΡΡ Π² Π“Ρ€ΡƒΠ·ΠΈΠΈ: ΠΎΡ‚Π²Π΅Ρ‚ΠΈΠΌ Π½Π° Π±Ρ‹Ρ‚ΠΎΠ²Ρ‹Π΅ вопросы, Π΄Π°Π΄ΠΈΠΌ Π½ΡƒΠΆΠ½Ρ‹Π΅ ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ‚Π°ΠΊΡ‚Ρ‹ ΠΈ ΠΏΠΎΠΌΠΎΠΆΠ΅ΠΌ с Π°Π΄Π°ΠΏΡ‚Π°Ρ†ΠΈΠ΅ΠΉ.

Заявку ΠΌΠΎΠΆΠ½ΠΎ Π½Π°ΠΉΡ‚ΠΈ ΠΏΠΎ ссылкС.
ΠŸΠΎΠΆΠ°Π»ΡƒΠΉΡΡ‚Π°, ΡƒΠΊΠ°ΠΆΠΈΡ‚Π΅ свой ΠΎΠΏΡ‹Ρ‚ Π² ТурналистикС, Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠ²ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΠ΅ ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΎΠ·Π°Ρ‰ΠΈΡ‚Π΅.



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πŸ‡¬πŸ‡ͺΠžΡ‚Π΅Π»ΡŒ-ΡˆΠ΅Π»Ρ‚Π΅Ρ€ Π² Π“Ρ€ΡƒΠ·ΠΈΠΈ: для политичСских активистов, Турналистов ΠΈ ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΎΠ·Π°Ρ‰ΠΈΡ‚Π½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ² ΠΈΠ· России

C 2019 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Π° ΠΌΡ‹ ΠΏΠΎΠΌΠΎΠ³Π°Π΅ΠΌ Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ, ΠΊΡ‚ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π» Π²Ρ‹Π½ΡƒΠΆΠ΄Π΅Π½ ΡƒΠ΅Ρ…Π°Ρ‚ΡŒ ΠΈΠ· России ΠΈΠ·-Π·Π° политичСского прСслСдования. БСйчас Ρƒ нас Ρ€Π°Π±ΠΎΡ‚Π°Π΅Ρ‚ ΡˆΠ΅Π»Ρ‚Π΅Ρ€ Π² Вбилиси, Π³Π΄Π΅ Π²Ρ‹ смоТСтС ΠΎΡΡ‚Π°Π½ΠΎΠ²ΠΈΡ‚ΡŒΡΡ, ΠΏΠΎΠΊΠ° Π½Π΅ Π½Π°ΠΉΠ΄Π΅Ρ‚Π΅ сСбС постоянноС мСсто. ΠœΡ‹ Ρ‚Π°ΠΊΠΆΠ΅ ΠΏΠΎΠΌΠΎΠΆΠ΅ΠΌ ΡΠΎΡ€ΠΈΠ΅Π½Ρ‚ΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²Π°Ρ‚ΡŒΡΡ Π² Π“Ρ€ΡƒΠ·ΠΈΠΈ: ΠΎΡ‚Π²Π΅Ρ‚ΠΈΠΌ Π½Π° Π±Ρ‹Ρ‚ΠΎΠ²Ρ‹Π΅ вопросы, Π΄Π°Π΄ΠΈΠΌ Π½ΡƒΠΆΠ½Ρ‹Π΅ ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ‚Π°ΠΊΡ‚Ρ‹ ΠΈ ΠΏΠΎΠΌΠΎΠΆΠ΅ΠΌ с Π°Π΄Π°ΠΏΡ‚Π°Ρ†ΠΈΠ΅ΠΉ.

Заявку ΠΌΠΎΠΆΠ½ΠΎ Π½Π°ΠΉΡ‚ΠΈ ΠΏΠΎ ссылкС.
ΠŸΠΎΠΆΠ°Π»ΡƒΠΉΡΡ‚Π°, ΡƒΠΊΠ°ΠΆΠΈΡ‚Π΅ свой ΠΎΠΏΡ‹Ρ‚ Π² ТурналистикС, Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠ²ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΠ΅ ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΎΠ·Π°Ρ‰ΠΈΡ‚Π΅.

BY Free Russia Foundation | Georgia




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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are β€œprivate amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on β€œlarge one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be β€œnon-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. After fleeing Russia, the brothers founded Telegram as a way to communicate outside the Kremlin's orbit. They now run it from Dubai, and Pavel Durov says it has more than 500 million monthly active users. And indeed, volatility has been a hallmark of the market environment so far in 2022, with the S&P 500 still down more than 10% for the year-to-date after first sliding into a correction last month. The CBOE Volatility Index, or VIX, has held at a lofty level of more than 30.
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