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Посольство в Австрии 🇷🇺 | Telegram Webview: RusBotWien_RU/5735 -
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Ничего кроме омерзения не вызывает выходка горстки осевших в Австрии украинских националистов, решивших 1 января вновь отметить в центре Вены день рождения пособника Гитлера, военного преступника С.Бандеры.

С «подвигами» Бандеры можно подробно ознакомиться в историческом материале роспосольства: austria.mid.ru/ru/press-centre/news/bandera_istoricheski_neporyadochnaya_figura

Решительно осуждаем проведение даже такой маргинальной акции при попустительстве местных властей. Особенно кощунственно нацистский шабаш выглядит в Вене в год 80-летия освобождения Австрии от фашизма.

#МыПомним
#НацизмНеПройдет



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Ничего кроме омерзения не вызывает выходка горстки осевших в Австрии украинских националистов, решивших 1 января вновь отметить в центре Вены день рождения пособника Гитлера, военного преступника С.Бандеры.

С «подвигами» Бандеры можно подробно ознакомиться в историческом материале роспосольства: austria.mid.ru/ru/press-centre/news/bandera_istoricheski_neporyadochnaya_figura

Решительно осуждаем проведение даже такой маргинальной акции при попустительстве местных властей. Особенно кощунственно нацистский шабаш выглядит в Вене в год 80-летия освобождения Австрии от фашизма.

#МыПомним
#НацизмНеПройдет

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That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. It is unclear who runs the account, although Russia's official Ministry of Foreign Affairs Twitter account promoted the Telegram channel on Saturday and claimed it was operated by "a group of experts & journalists." In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government. Groups are also not fully encrypted, end-to-end. This includes private groups. Private groups cannot be seen by other Telegram users, but Telegram itself can see the groups and all of the communications that you have in them. All of the same risks and warnings about channels can be applied to groups. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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