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Ковры долговечны, но не вечны. Ковров той эпохи почти не сохранилось – они были уничтожены или замковой сыростью, или, наоборот, пожарами. Поэтому, когда ученые в конце XIX века стали их типологизировать, они обратились за сведениями к картинам мастеров итальянской, фламандской и голландской школ XV-XVI веков.Так и появились названия вроде «ковер Гольбейна» или «ковер Лотто».
Источник знаний: Большая история искусства издательства Слово.



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Ковры долговечны, но не вечны. Ковров той эпохи почти не сохранилось – они были уничтожены или замковой сыростью, или, наоборот, пожарами. Поэтому, когда ученые в конце XIX века стали их типологизировать, они обратились за сведениями к картинам мастеров итальянской, фламандской и голландской школ XV-XVI веков.Так и появились названия вроде «ковер Гольбейна» или «ковер Лотто».
Источник знаний: Большая история искусства издательства Слово.

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At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. These entities are reportedly operating nine Telegram channels with more than five million subscribers to whom they were making recommendations on selected listed scrips. Such recommendations induced the investors to deal in the said scrips, thereby creating artificial volume and price rise. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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