прочла статью Эрика Онобля про агентов украинских коммунистов в тылу Деникина (Quaestio Rossica 2021). множество чрезвычайно авантюрных подробностей, годящихся для канала Линор Горалик про "даже литература бы постыдилась", например:
Amateurism could have less tragic and even funny consequences. In late summer 1919, a group of activists from Bakhmut had the wonderful idea of setting up a peculiar form of underground activity: four of them joined a Ukrainian touring theatre company in order to cross the frontline and then travel freely in the White territory. Eventually, after various setbacks (including learning how to act), their plan failed and they had to wait for the Red Army’s decisive offensive in December to go back to Ukraine.
One envoy who was about to be searched shot the enemy agent with the latter’s own Browning. Another, who was imprisoned, managed to save a fellow inmate’s life by arguing that she was a very young girl and the daughter of a priest. He was then beaten with sabers and bayonets and left for dead… allowing him to escape. When reading these accounts, one might think that such bravado better fits a spy or war novel than a narrative of class struggle.
прочла статью Эрика Онобля про агентов украинских коммунистов в тылу Деникина (Quaestio Rossica 2021). множество чрезвычайно авантюрных подробностей, годящихся для канала Линор Горалик про "даже литература бы постыдилась", например:
Amateurism could have less tragic and even funny consequences. In late summer 1919, a group of activists from Bakhmut had the wonderful idea of setting up a peculiar form of underground activity: four of them joined a Ukrainian touring theatre company in order to cross the frontline and then travel freely in the White territory. Eventually, after various setbacks (including learning how to act), their plan failed and they had to wait for the Red Army’s decisive offensive in December to go back to Ukraine.
One envoy who was about to be searched shot the enemy agent with the latter’s own Browning. Another, who was imprisoned, managed to save a fellow inmate’s life by arguing that she was a very young girl and the daughter of a priest. He was then beaten with sabers and bayonets and left for dead… allowing him to escape. When reading these accounts, one might think that such bravado better fits a spy or war novel than a narrative of class struggle.
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Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into." Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Under the Sebi Act, the regulator has the power to carry out search and seizure of books, registers, documents including electronics and digital devices from any person associated with the securities market. He adds: "Telegram has become my primary news source."
from ru
