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В конце прошлого года ФСБ России пополнила федеральный список террористических организаций "Карельским национальным движением", но название этой организации указано в списке вместе с наименованием Республики Карелия на нескольких диалектах карельского языка - Karjalan tašavalta/tazavaldkund/tazavaldu.

Это ставит всю республику в двусмысленное положение, поскольку ее официальное название на карельском языке оказалось в списке террористических организаций.



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В конце прошлого года ФСБ России пополнила федеральный список террористических организаций "Карельским национальным движением", но название этой организации указано в списке вместе с наименованием Республики Карелия на нескольких диалектах карельского языка - Karjalan tašavalta/tazavaldkund/tazavaldu.

Это ставит всю республику в двусмысленное положение, поскольку ее официальное название на карельском языке оказалось в списке террористических организаций.

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At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today." Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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