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Начальник управления идеологической работы Госпогранкомитета полковник Иван Гульба рассказал об участии ведомства в акции «Наши дети», а директор Дзержинского районного социально-педагогического центра Вацлав Макаревич – о многолетнем сотрудничестве с пограничниками



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Начальник управления идеологической работы Госпогранкомитета полковник Иван Гульба рассказал об участии ведомства в акции «Наши дети», а директор Дзержинского районного социально-педагогического центра Вацлав Макаревич – о многолетнем сотрудничестве с пограничниками

BY Пограничный комитет Беларуси


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"And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. He said that since his platform does not have the capacity to check all channels, it may restrict some in Russia and Ukraine "for the duration of the conflict," but then reversed course hours later after many users complained that Telegram was an important source of information. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. The fake Zelenskiy account reached 20,000 followers on Telegram before it was shut down, a remedial action that experts say is all too rare. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin.
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