Смотрю, докопались до Натальи Поклонской. Знаю её как достойного человека. Если комментаторам нехер делать, приезжайте в госпиталь Бурденко и помогайте в палате 516, 517 и. т. д. Все видят какие то тайные знаки, как одета, как накрашена…
Можно верить в макаронного монстра и помогать безногим ребятам. А можно ходить в церковь или мечеть каждый день, торговать наркотой и не вылезать из Роксбери.
Смотрю, докопались до Натальи Поклонской. Знаю её как достойного человека. Если комментаторам нехер делать, приезжайте в госпиталь Бурденко и помогайте в палате 516, 517 и. т. д. Все видят какие то тайные знаки, как одета, как накрашена…
Можно верить в макаронного монстра и помогать безногим ребятам. А можно ходить в церковь или мечеть каждый день, торговать наркотой и не вылезать из Роксбери.
BY ЧЕСТНЫЙ ВЛАСОВ
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Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content. In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government.
from ru
