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Артём Клыга

Forwarded from Призыв к совести

Облава — сборный пункт — часть. Увы, такой маршрут в ноябре прошёл не один призывник. Особенно со сборного пункта на Угрешской в Москве.

Не стоит опускать руки. Незаконный призыв нужно продолжать обжаловать. Если есть проблемы со здоровьем, добиваться увольнения. Если есть убеждения совести — службы без оружия. И не подписывать контракт.

Что делать близким и самому человеку: кратко — в карточках, подробно — в статье

www.group-telegram.com/ru/localissues.com/690

2.6K viewsNov 18 at 12:48

group-telegram.com/localissues/692

Create: 2024-11-18
Last Update: 2024-12-29 02:24:20

Облава — сборный пункт — часть. Увы, такой маршрут в ноябре прошёл не один призывник. Особенно со сборного пункта на Угрешской в Москве.

Не стоит опускать руки. Незаконный призыв нужно продолжать обжаловать. Если есть проблемы со здоровьем, добиваться увольнения. Если есть убеждения совести — службы без оружия. И не подписывать контракт.

Что делать близким и самому человеку: кратко — в карточках, подробно — в статье

BY Артём Клыга

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Date: 2024-12-29|

For tech stocks, “the main thing is yields,” Essaye said. What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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