5.2. После отделения дрожащей "р" уже не обойтись без гидрометаллургических методов разделения смесей. Отделение носовых "м" и "н" от примеси боковой "л" проходит в оросительном ленточном экстракторе. В качестве экстрагента применяют отечественный растворитель "ъ". По-видимому происходит образование межмолекулярных связей между выносными элементами "л" и "ъ", чем и объясняется высокий процент содержания переднеязычного латерального аппроксиманта в экстракте. Оставшиеся сонорные необходимо как следует просушить от растворителя, поскольку следующий метод заимствован уже из пирометаллургии.
5.2. После отделения дрожащей "р" уже не обойтись без гидрометаллургических методов разделения смесей. Отделение носовых "м" и "н" от примеси боковой "л" проходит в оросительном ленточном экстракторе. В качестве экстрагента применяют отечественный растворитель "ъ". По-видимому происходит образование межмолекулярных связей между выносными элементами "л" и "ъ", чем и объясняется высокий процент содержания переднеязычного латерального аппроксиманта в экстракте. Оставшиеся сонорные необходимо как следует просушить от растворителя, поскольку следующий метод заимствован уже из пирометаллургии.
Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback.
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