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Повестка Заседания Пленума Верховного Суда Российской Федерации

Повестка

1. О некоторых вопросах, связанных с введением в действие Федерального закона от 29 мая 2024 года № 107-ФЗ «О внесении изменений в Федеральный закон «О несостоятельности (банкротстве)» и статью 223 Арбитражного процессуального кодекса Российской Федерации».

2. О внесении изменений в некоторые постановления Пленума Верховного Суда Российской Федерации по уголовным делам.

3. О внесении в Государственную Думу Федерального Собрания Российской Федерации проекта федерального закона «О внесении изменений в статью 82 Уголовного кодекса Российской Федерации».

https://vsrf.ru/press_center/news/34020/



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Повестка Заседания Пленума Верховного Суда Российской Федерации

Повестка

1. О некоторых вопросах, связанных с введением в действие Федерального закона от 29 мая 2024 года № 107-ФЗ «О внесении изменений в Федеральный закон «О несостоятельности (банкротстве)» и статью 223 Арбитражного процессуального кодекса Российской Федерации».

2. О внесении изменений в некоторые постановления Пленума Верховного Суда Российской Федерации по уголовным делам.

3. О внесении в Государственную Думу Федерального Собрания Российской Федерации проекта федерального закона «О внесении изменений в статью 82 Уголовного кодекса Российской Федерации».

https://vsrf.ru/press_center/news/34020/

BY Верховный суд РФ


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That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram users are able to send files of any type up to 2GB each and access them from any device, with no limit on cloud storage, which has made downloading files more popular on the platform. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations.
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