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Главное впечатление и даже душевное потрясение минувшего года — как людьми войны становятся те, кого я знал в мирной жизни два десятка лет и даже четверть века...

Фронтовое селфи от товарища где-то между Бахмутом и Часов Яром, лето уже минувшего года.



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Главное впечатление и даже душевное потрясение минувшего года — как людьми войны становятся те, кого я знал в мирной жизни два десятка лет и даже четверть века...

Фронтовое селфи от товарища где-то между Бахмутом и Часов Яром, лето уже минувшего года.

BY ZА ПРАVДУ




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In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. The Security Service of Ukraine said in a tweet that it was able to effectively target Russian convoys near Kyiv because of messages sent to an official Telegram bot account called "STOP Russian War." Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy."
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